Gender and ICT failure

Abstract

The utilization of computers in the work place has greatly intensified in past few decades with increasing numbers of professions becoming dependent on information and communication technology (ICT) which is now evolving to ubiquitous computing. Studies show that women in general tend to be slow in engaging with computing and there have been many accounts of women's negative encounters with ICT. The female gender is often depicted as passive or unreceptive. This study investigates the use of ICT in a female oriented work environment. The nursing profession was selected since nursing is a gendered job, not only because women make up the vast majority of workers but because of the centrality of care (the socially accepted role of women), to the work they perform. This essay will examine why technology adoption at Eldersite hospital failed. I will argue that the social construction of gender had a dominant role in the failure of the implementation, primarily based on how the women perceived themselves, and that technology in this case could not disrupt the existing gender regime but instead reinforced the patriarchal power structures already in place as channelled through knowledge/power theory (Foucault).

Introduction

Organizations continuously have to deal with changes and ICT is regularly charged as a trigger of organizational change. According to organizational culture theorists technologytheorists the role that technology plays in creating organizational culture and identity isa very significantsubstantial role in creating organizational culture and identity. Technology, therefore, is also "an important factor in, and resulting from, an organization's gender regime" (Sundin, 1998). Interestingly, in the health care sector, most other technologies are integrated into organisations rather quickly compared to health information systems, presenting us with an unusual anomaly (Anderson, 1997). In a recent study, it was found that health information systems interfere with health care workers' traditional practice routines. These effects were far fetching, from "structure and function of health care organizations, the quality of work life of providers within them, and ultimately the cost and quality of the health services provided" (Anderson, 1997) resulting in many cases abandonment of the implementation effort. Moreover on the issue of gender, nursing as a profession provides a unique opportunity to examine the extent and causes of gender-based diffusion and acceptance of technologies. Even with an increase in the current small percentage of male nurses, they are apt to be in management and other senior positions compared to women and this would have varying effects on the organizational culture and identity.

As IS implementations failures mount, studies have developed towards more modern interpretivist literature which address the socio-technical characteristics to contribute well-rounded procedure to understanding IS failure (Mitev, 2000).

The structure of this paper is as follows:

We will introduce the gendered nature of technology, and then have a look at the case study. We will briefly introduce the two dominant theoretical perspectives that are used to explain the engagement of women with information technology -social constructivism and essentialism . We will then include the role of knowledge/power and the role technology plays in reinforcing power structures in the predominantly female profession of nursing.

Gendered view of technology

What role does technology play in embedding gender power relations at the workplace (Wajcman, 2009) ? This depends on the conventional notion of technology. Technology tends to be thought of in terms of industrial machinery and military weapons, the tools of work and war, overlooking other technologies that affect most aspects of everyday life. Thus the very characterization of technology is cast in terms of male activities. The taken-for-granted association of men and machines is the result of the historical and cultural construction of gender. Feminist scholars of science and technology studies have argued for the significance of everyday life technologies . A revaluing of cooking, childcare and communication technologies should disrupt the cultural stereotype of the female as technically incompetent or invisible in technical spheres.

During the late nineteenth century, mechanical and civil engineering increasingly came to define what technology is, diminishing the significance of both artefacts and forms of knowledge associated with women. This was the result of the rise of engineers as elite with exclusive rights to technical expertise. Crucially, it involved the creation of a male professional identity, based on educational qualifications and the promise of managerial positions, sharply distinguished from shop floor engineering and blue-collar workers. It also involved an ideal of manliness, characterised by the cultivation of bodily prowess and individual achievement. At the same time, femininity was being reinterpreted as incompatible with technological pursuits. It was during and through this process that the term 'technology' took on its modern meaning. As Wajcman pointed out, " t he legacy is our taken-for-granted association of technology with men" (2009).

Our cultural perceptions of masculinity and femininity with in technology spheres are constantly and continuously built up by such comments as " 'To feel technology competent is to feel manly"' writes (Cockburn, 1987). Such statements are well integrated into our cultural understandings of masculinity and thereby of femininity such that g. Gender labelling seems to precedes the technology labelling, resulting in the view that what so that what is considered to be technology can rarely seldom can be considered to be female (Sundin, 1995b)(Sundin, 1995). Empirical examples can be given of technology used in the home and during leisure time having different gender images (R. Williams & Edge, 1996)(R. Williams & Edge, 1996) from washing machines, microwaves to gaming consoles. Despite these complicationsdevelopments, it is true still valid that technology is mainly viewed as has a male patriarchal image in our our society (Wajcman, 2009)(Wajcman, 2009).

In organisations, gender regimes can be altered by t Technological change brings a potential for new gender regimes. Technology more often than not implies lightening of workloads, and since referring to heavy labour as masculine is a common standpoint, technology ought to create in working life has traditionally often been presented as a way of lightening heavy work and creating new possibilities for women. This can be so — but examplesExamples of the opposite can also be found., for example, technologyTechnology can make work tasks lighter and this can be followed byresulting in women leaving an occupation and men coming into itit (Sundin, 1995a). (Sommestad 1992; Wikander 1988).

There are other societal power systems working at organizational levels, imposing as great as or even greater changes to organizational culture, in particular economic and political power systemse gender regime is not the only important part of the organizational culture and the organizational life nor is it the only societal power system working at the organizational level. The society-wide economic system also has its organizational expressions. For equilibrium, all these To reach stability, the two systems must be in harmony with each other at the organizational level.

We can see parallels in the chicken-and-egg discussion in feminist research on the relations between patriarchy and capitalism, in particular their respective origins and whether one can change without the other (see, for example, Hartmann 1979). In this context, it is enough to say that every organization has its culture, of which the gender regime is an important and relatively independent part.

What role does technology play in embedding gender power relations (Wajcman, 2009) ? This depends on the conventional notion of technology. Technology tends to be thought of in terms of industrial machinery and military weapons, the tools of work and war, overlooking other technologies that affect most aspects of everyday life. Thus the very characterization of technology is cast in terms of male activities.

The taken-for-granted association of men and machines is the result of the historical and cultural construction of gender. Feminist scholars of science and technology studies have argued for the significance of everyday life technologies (Cowan, 1976; Stanley, 1995 ). A revaluing of cooking, childcare and communication technologies immediately disrupts the cultural stereotype of women as technically incompetent or invisible in technical spheres.

During the late nineteenth century, mechanical and civil engineering increasingly came to define what technology is, diminishing the significance of both artefacts and forms of knowledge associated with women. This was the result of the rise of engineers as an elite with exclusive rights to technical expertise. Crucially, it involved the creation of a male professional identity, based on educational qualifications and the promise of managerial positions, sharply distinguished from shop floor engineering and blue-collar workers. It also involved an ideal of manliness, characterised by the cultivation of bodily prowess and individual achievement. At the same time, femininity was being reinterpreted as incompatible with technological pursuits. It was during and through this process that the term 'technology' took on its modern meaning. As Wajcman puts it, "The legacy is our taken-for-granted association of technology with men" (Wajcman, 2009).

There has been a gender imbalance in the science and technology field for many years, and according to Felstead 'this gender imbalance has changed little between 1997 and 2006 (Wajcman, 2009)(Wajcman, 2009) Feminists have pointed out that the problem does not lie with women (their socialisation, their aspirations and values) and that we need to address the broader questions of whether and in what way technoscience and its institutions can be reshaped to accommodate women.

Nursing in particular:

In many cases, gendering discourses constitute a form of power that structure the field of nurses' everyday actions. These discourses constitute a resource to make nurses knowable, to produce them as certain forms of the person, and were therefore part of what govern their activities . Though neither simply good nor bad in themselves, these discourses have constraining effects on how nurses are able to conduct themselves (Ceci, 2004).

The case study

Zenith nurse management system was a nursing system implemented "to support decisions of managers and clinicians by providing informed sensitive and timely information in ways which are effective and understandable" (Wilson, 2000)

The installation of Zenith formed part of a broader implementation project management. The UK government's Audit Commission recommended in the use of the care planning and rostering modules in a health management system. Three years before implementation exercise had began, an extensive evaluation, assessment and procurement exercise was conducted for the system which took a year. The results indicated that Zenith was the best available system at the time. The installation of Zenith formed part of a broader implementation project management, and the It was initially piloted with the intention that it met the recommendations of the UK government's Audit Commission in the use of the care planning and rostering modules and as part of its resource management project. The project was steered by a nursing implementation group, chaired by the director of nursing. The implementation plan aimed to have full usage throughout the 100 wards of the Eldersite hospital within one year. This was seen as essential if hospital resources were to be used effectively, since nursing costs accounted for over 40 per cent of revenue expenditure. The system cost $26,000 a year to run, borne by the NHS trust (Wilson, 2002).

Essentially Zenith , it was a database system incorporating a care planning function. This consisted of a database of care libraries which could be edited individually and free text added to produce a printed and standardised document. These were intended to replace the handwritten notes used by nurses in the recording of their intended care delivery for patients. The system cost $26,000 a year to run, borne by the NHS trust. Three years before implementation exercise had begun, an extensive evaluation and procurement exercise was conducted for the system which took a year. The results indicated that Zenith was the best available system at the time.

The research on the use of Zenith at Eldersite the systems was conducted by Manchester Business School academicsresearchers, and it involved multiple techniques of data collection. Interviews were the primary source of data collection. The interviews took place during a 10 month period across the various hospital sites with a cross-section of those members of staff who were deemed affected by the introduction of the NIS. These included 15 nurses (3 male), 8 project nurses (6 male), 3 key members of the IT team and one member of Zenith design group (Wilson, 2000)(Wilson, 2000). In addition to interviews, the researchers observed the nurses working and reviewed reports spanning 4 years concerning issues ranging from initial project kick off to sign-off (Wilson, 2002).

The system implementation involved a parallel run with the paper based recording system. For general nurses the paper based system was the record to trust. A good deal of duplication in record keeping occurred. The NIS never became the sole means of recording work. Nurses used up to 4 main documents to record a patient's stay: assessment document to gather main details, and this was used as a basis for the NIS care plans; the Kardex was used to record detailed activities carried out; and the continuation sheets which backed up this information. The nurses criticised the NIS care plans for either having either too little or too much information. They were expected to type in the information themselves which they felt was difficult as they were not trained typists. They still had to take written notes first, effectively duplicating their work. They felt that they had to prioritize record keeping over direct care. This was compounded further by the time it took for the very slow network to call up the patient administration system and get the patients details. Even when nurses had time they had to queue wait in line for the one workstation terminal on the ward.

User resistance:

There were high expectations before installation of the system, the nurses believed it would relieve them of unpopular administrative tasks and free their time to deliver high quality patient care. Efforts were made to enrol nurses to the system by participation in implementation committees, via training sessions and benefits realization seminars.

However, these efforts were not enough to secure support for the system. The selection of user representation assumed that only high ranking nurses would make the best candidates. Though these nurses were more mature, they were less familiar with computers. The training strategy was also flawed - cascade training was used with sisters as the ward tutors, yet they were likely to be very busy and not familiar with computers prior to Zenith training. The benefits realisation sessions were attended by volunteers and failed to make an impression on those who were hostile to the NIS project.

Failure of the system:

Many nurses felt that they were not consulted over their needs for the project. Consequently Thus some outrightly refused the system outright. Their own insecurities intermingled with a lack of confidence over IT resulted in jaded progress, even if they did have technical abilities as they utilised a vast array of sophisticated machinery too mediate patient care on a daily basis. They themselves did not acknowledge this. Even with outright coercion, though not systematically applied to all nurses, resistance continued through non-usage of Zenith.

Throughout the project life several reports were produced. Most of these reports were benefits realisation reports intended to convince the reader of the need to continue the project. However, 3 years after installation the nurses opinions were fully detailed in a different report, that finally raised the question of whether it was worthwhile to continue with the project and mobilised the nurses views to determine the way forward. The report identified failures with the system.

The system was withdrawn, and in a sign-off report from Eldersite the decided failure of Zenith was described as a non-achievement. However the principle achievement had been identified as the successful implementation of organisational change.

Limitations of research information:

The details an d timelines of the implementation plan were not included in the source material. Reference to presence and responsibility of technical /advisory consultants wa s also not made. The system selection process was not clearly enunciated including such aspects as business process reviews, depth of user involvement in selection, and change management processes over implementation. It is possible that Zenith was not a good fit for the organisational culture at Eldersite.

Was it a failure?

Zenith was viewed as a success for its sponsors for a good proportion of its life before developing into a failure. Zenith was also a success in other hospital trusts and in the mental health unit. The project had the effect of accustoming nurses to use of computers, which was noted as a positive outcome. The withdrawal of the system itself was a success.

Self perception: male vs. female nurses

Many female nurses expressed the sentiment that their work was "to care" and that nurses tended to be "put upon" so that they were easily pushed around, noting that people would play on their conscience. They felt undervalued. In contrast, the psychiatric nurses interviewed, who were all male, were much more positive about their own standing in relation to their profession. They highlighted that they were appreciated and listened to more than their General Nursing colleagues. They also stressed one major difference between themselves and general nurses "General Nurses do as they are told. Psychiatric nurses tell [people what to do..." Through use of the system the general (female) nurses felt that they were being forced to choose using the NIS over their primary role: to care.

Limitations of research information:

The material available for this case was severely limited. D etails and timelines o n the implementation plan were not included in the source material. Reference to presence and responsibility of technical/advisory consultants was also not made. The system selection process was not clearly enunciated including such aspects as business process reviews, depth of user involvement in selection, and change management processes over implementation. It is possible that Zenith was not a good fit for the organisational culture at Eldersite.

Theoretical Discussion of Zenith Nursing Management System

As we noted in the introduction, clinical information systems alter traditional practice patterns. They may sometimes impose major limitations on how clinical data are recorded and how the medical record is organized. They interfere with the way that physicians organize their thought processes in caring for patients. This loss of individualism in constructing a medical record causes resistance by clinicians to computerized patient records. The implementation of a clinical information system affects professional relations between individuals and groups within health care organizations as well. The small but growing number of men in the nursing profession does not herald a progressive integration of masculine and feminine sex roles. Even in female-dominated occupations such as nursing, patriarchal gender relations, which reflect a high valuation of all that is male and masculine, play a significant role in situating a disproportionate number of men in administrative and elite specialty positions. At the heart of this gender dynamic is the need to separate the masculine from the "lesser valued" feminine. Male nurses do this by employing strategies that allow them to distance themselves from female colleagues and the quintessential feminine image of nursing itself, as a prerequisite to elevating their own prestige and power. They are aided in this task by patriarchal cultural institutions that create and perpetuate male advantage, as well as by women nurses themselves who, consciously or unconsciously, nurture the careers of men colleagues (C. L. Williams, 1992)(C. L. Williams, 1992).

Social constructivism

According to this view, "the social shaping of technology as masculine interacts with the social construction of femininity in such a way as to place IT outside the domain of women" (Trauth, 2002). Our childhood experiences have led to what is described by Cockburn (Cockburn, 1983, p. 203) as 'the construction of men as strong, manually able and technologically endowed, and women as physically and technically incompetent'. Entering technical domains therefore requires women to sacrifice major aspects of their feminine identity. One possible remediation within the social constructivist perspective focuses on the requirement to restructure the world of computing to become more of a ``female domain'' (Webster, 1996). It is possible for this to be applied to Eldersite or similar nursing institutions having the same problem.

Wajcman also notes that what is considered masculine in one society may be considered feminine or gender-neutral in others, and this may cause a problem in restructuring computing to be more of a female domain. There are also individual differences among women as individuals, as they relate to needs and characteristics of IT in the workplace. Still, gender must be taken into account if we are to achieve a fuller understanding of technologies (Adam, Howcroft, & Richardson, 2004).

There have been numerous strategic efforts made to empower women users specifically where they are in `low-grade' occupations like secretarial work, as these women are usually passive in the process of systems design. The efforts have been made to enhance their current skills and capabilities (R. Williams & Edge, 1996)(R. Williams & Edge, 1996) . Nevertheless, the gender division of labour has proved astonishingly persistent, maintained as it is by a range of interlocking factors - of which technology design is but a part.

Essentialism

Essentialism is the assertion of fixed, unified and opposed female and male natures (Wajcman, 1991) Essentialism is "any theory that claims to identify a universal, transhistorical, necessary cause or constitution of gender identity or patriarchy" ("Feminist Epistemology"). Though prevalent in many gender/ICT studies, this approach is somewhat flawed. Modern feminists have also rejected the view that technology is an instrument of patriarchal control. As Adam et al. (Adam, Howcroft, & Richardson, 2001)(Adam, Howcroft, & Richardson, 2001) point out, a serious problem with the essentialist perspective is that the recommendations that flow from it would further isolate women as they emphasize gender stereotypes that can patronize women.

Social constructivist writing on the issue of gender and technology face a similar challenge in the development of remedies based upon the assumption of a monolithic ``women's view'' or ``women's values.''

Limitations of concepts

In viewing technology as gendered, the effect is representing women as inherently nurturing and pacifist, and this tends to reinforce an essentialist view of sex difference. Too often the result was a pessimistic portrayal of women as victims of patriarchal technoscience.

A study conducted by Williams noted that men do not face discrimination in predominantly female professions (C. L. Williams, 1992)(C. L. Williams, 1992). Instead, they encounter prejudice from individuals outside their professions. Interestingly, they also experience career enhancing structural advantages which is in contrast to the experience of women who enter male-dominated professions, men generally encounter structural advantages in these occupations which tend to enhance their careers. Because men face different barriers to integrating non-traditional occupations than women face, the need for distinctive different remedies to dismantle dissociate segregation in predominantly female jobs should be emphasized (Wajcman, 2009).

Gender Regime at Eldersite

Wajcman ( 1991) and Cockburn ( 1983) Cockburn and Cockburn and Wajcman (1991) between them laid two key foundations offor understanding research in studies on gender and technology feminist technology studies. First, in line with social studies construction of technology, they assumed a two-way mutually shaping relationship between gender and technology in which technology is both a source and consequence of gender relations and vice versa. They also identified ways in which gender-technology relations are manifest not only in gender structures but also in gender symbols and identities. As such there is more to the male dominance of technology than power. It also obliges us to explore much more closely the distinct-but-related links between structures, symbols, and identities in the gender-technology relation. Moreover Add to this that w , hen introducing technology or any other major change in production regime to the workplace, people in organisations tend to resist change and thus a spontaneous reaction to to act in a way to minimize demands for change tends occurto be the spontaneous reaction in all groups and organizations, and this was the case at Eldersite.

New technology particularly in gender specific fields, always concerns class,upsets gender and the division of labour. More often than not, the old 'production' and gender regimes , have to be supersededrendered invalid. ThisOften such periods of organizational reconstruction are is regarded as conditional characterized as negotiations between the actors and/or actor groups involved because of the (see Pettersson 1996). The uneven power positions between the gender groups — men and women — makes a conditional negotiation a more accurate way of describing it.

Was the gender regime operational working at Eldersite? A closer look gives us the answer that the gender regime was indeed working and that an important characteristic in this case was place the positioning of the technology— not technology. sinceSince it can be concluded observed that the strongest gender meaning in the organizational culture at Eldersite was, was the importance of provision of personal care work in the construction of femininity, the placement of the computers machine in the middle of the women's working 'environment landscape' immediately should have given it a gender label that is female and/or gender label. Its the technology component should have been overlooked both by the men and the women nurses.

Why did the women resist:

So why were the female nursesy not all eagerly trying to useto use the system? One of the elements of the answer lies in Part of the explanation can be found in wwhat the women had to relinquishgive up. They had chosen nursing as an occupation for its care-giving dimension and because it was not an ordinary office job.but in In using Zenith, the duty of care was fused with duplication in administrative duties, and the new work tasks had many similarities with office jobsburdened this duty of care, considering that it was stated that what is not input into the system constituted work that had not been done. Even if many some of the women appreciated access to the Zenith terminal, they could not help but be contemptuous over the burden of this new additional administrative task.

Perhaps the management was even surprised at the resistance from the women. In an institution so imprinted by a female professional culture, the possible lack of perception consciousness of the existence of a strong gender regime is almost to be expected as. Furthermore, the economic and technical situation required the domination of the rationality of the economic system. For managers unaware of the importance of a gender regime and convinced of economic primacy in organizational life, resistance to what they considered to be rational decisions would have a mystery

Conversely , On the other hand , we would one could be surprised by management not understanding their own organization better. The strict and old firm lines of duty of care versus professionalism in nursing as a profession wereare obvious and visible. It is every manager's duty to know his or her organization in these and other cultural aspects.These cultural characteristics should be at the forefront of the management's plans for implementation of organisational change (Sundin, 1998).

Gender/Knowledge/Power

Some feminists have argued that "gender power relations are embedded more deeply within technoscience" (Wajcman, 2009)(Wajcman, 2009) and this often sometimes results in a rather somewhat unfavourable representation of women as victims of patriarchal technoscience. We can infer that tThe case at Eldersite adopted this stance and that it manifested indicates the existence of a gendered power system or, in short, the gender system in action. Other significant power systems at play were political and economic. The appropriate relevant actors and lines of conflict in these systems differ between the power systems and the relevant lines of conflict differ as well. In the gender system, sex/gender is the significant factor and consequently women and men and women are the major groups of actors. The gender system and there are has two leading rules: segregation and hierarchization (Abrahamsson, 2002).

Segregation means that the main organizing principle in many contexts is that what is male is not female and vice versa. Examples can be found in all societal arenas: for example, girls and boys do not choose the same education; women and men work in different occupations. Hierarchization means that what is male is, as a rule, more highly valued than what is female. There are always exceptions to the rules: for example, there are women leaders in so-called male sectors and you almost always find some men in occupations categorized as female.

In organisations that are gender biased, t The gender system works over all sectors and atin all divisions all levels "but its local strength, scope and hierarchy differs" (Abrahamsson, 2002).

The concept of a gender regime suggests that gender is an important but often seldom considered neglected dimension of the production regimeas an independent factor in socio-technical studies of information systems in context.. A gender regime refers to how artefacts, technology, work tasks and other organizational elements are organized on sex/gender principles as well as from other principles concerning education and competence, to different degrees of strength scope and hierarchy. A universal common outcome result of the coding/labellinggender labelling processes is a gendered division of labour in organizations ranging across all the dimensions mentioned. The product's gender label, maintained by the traditional gender regime of the workplace, came into conflict with the gender label of the technological object.

In addition to computers being viewed as patriarchal, w We can see that at Eldersite, the male nurses felt they were appreciated and listened to more than their general nursing counterparts and this is a manifestation of hierarchization. This could have been translated to mean that what is male is always more highly valued than what is female. To make this hierarchization principle appear less arbitrary and 'more rational', arguments have to be transformed with and to the new situation. The fact that the female nurses felt their views did not matter was not given enough importance attention during the implementation. The real reason is the gender system and the relevant gender regime continued to reinforce patriarchal power structures and women's perception of lower value and self doubt.

Knowledge and acknowledgement

That the nurses' trepidation concerns werewas not taken seriously is one of the central problems of this casestudy. I will use the work of Foucault to set out an argument ground for thinking about this problem. In this case, knowledge practices, specifically those concerning who can claim status as a credible knower, produced limits for nurses. Such limits are neither good nor bad in themselves, but rather have effects with which we should be concerned. In this case, the limits produced by certain knowledge practices had the effect of rendering the nurses' concerns irrelevant and this is significant in itself and also because it was an important part of how patient care was going to be performed.

According to Foucault, power's relation to knowledge is never separable because within each society there is a "regime of truth" with its own particular mechanisms for producing truth (Diamond & Quinby, 1988). Thus on enforcing their own self-doubt, where the female nurses said "if no one else will do it, it will be a nursing job..."(Wilson, 2000) they articulatedthey articulated a notion or rather, their own truth in their inconfidence and the organisational bias. The male nurses reinforced this notion by stating that "General Nurses do as they are told. Psychiatric nurses tell people what to do" And Iin passnot actively participating in the implementation of the system throughout the 3 year period under question the General Nursesy were sending a vital 'knowing' message to the management and to the male nurses. The depth of these women's insecurities is a measure of the extent to which they internalised patriarchal standards of acceptability. Further, the dichotomy between compassion or caring and authority contributes to the association of the authoritative with a male voice. This contributes leads to the implication that the segregation of women and the feminine from authority is internally connected to the concept of authority itself.

Feminist scholars (Diamond & Quinby, 1988) have exposed the practice of authority as one that depends in many ways on patterns of socialisation established in the private sphere, and these patterns educate women in subordination. They have clarified how conceptual analyses of power have excluded women systematically by rendering female power invisible either because it is different from male power or because it is wielded in the private sphere.

A related point is Foucault's (1978) observation that truths are produced in the telling. In Foucault's analysis, truth "does not reside solely in the subject" but requires an external source of approval or authorization for its completion (p. 66).

Truth telling establishes a relation between teller and listener that is necessary to the accomplishment of truth. That is, we are unlikely to be seen to know unless our knowing is validated, confirmed or at least acknowledged by some usually more powerful other who is constituted by, or is authorized to use, an authoritative discourse. In this case it is implied that the female nurses "truth" was not validated over the three year period until they were able to articulate it on the final project report. Another truth that was validated was that the male (psychiatric) nurses have more power as they "tell people what to do" while General (female) Nurses "do as they are told"

Other studies have shown that gender segregating and stereotypic gender-coding of workplaces and work tasks were strong restoring mechanisms and obstacles to strategic organisational changes (Abrahamsson, 2002).

Conclusion

Thise case study presented showsdemonstrated that the gender system wasis still very active in this clinical organisations. The gender system is constructed in society, is transferred to organizations and is and depending on the change agents it interacts with, it important can become a constructconstructor of or of organizations. The success of Zenithof Zenith at other similar sites reveals demonstrates that the gender system is not static;: it changes all the timeis constantly transforming and from its two main principles, hierarchization and segregation, different outcomes are possible. There are many expressions of the gender system and this gives room for different strategies, different processes and different outcomes. Technology can be one mode of challengean agent of change forto existing gender regimes, as is often stated by both traditional traditional organizational researchers and by and gender-conscious organizational researchers (Sundin, 1998).

The gender system produced a stronger influence than thealso turned out to be as strong as the economic system at the organizational level. The logic of capital started the whole process: both the buying of the new technology and the decisions on how to enhance efficiency in information managementThe investment in new technology and the decision to enhance efficiency in information management were driven by the economic system. In practice, it was necessary to handle the resistance in a way that was not optimal from an economic point of view. .The management of Eldersite may have noted the general nurses' resistance but given the demands of the initiating economic system, decided to handle the resistance in a way that was not optimal. The gender regime slowed down these changes; and in the end the gender system was shaken but not crushedbeaten. Two major inferences can be made from this case- the first; that broad clinicians' involvement in system selection and implementation is necessary from inception, and second, it is important to consider how the system will affect routine practices in the work environment.

The last thing I want to mention that we can learn from this study is the importance of case studies. Through studying cases like thesethem we are exposed to can better appreciation of understand the complex reality in organisations and the complexity of different power systems working side-by-side within them. More in-depth research is needed to identify how costly errors in implementation can be avoided. Case studies can make the pessimistic person more optimistic; structure always gives room for some action; and the optimistic can learn that structure is always there, even though there is always some space or place for action

It will be interesting to reflect on what the future holds particularly with regard to innovative use of ubiquitous computing in female oriented work environments. Future research into the implementation of Health Information Systems should consider the influence of context in the clinical Theenvironment. The optimism of this post-feminist literature is best summed up by Donna Haraway's (1991) cyborg metaphor, conveying the idea that technology is fully part of all of us. Because it is an aspect of our identity, an aspect of our embodiment, conceiving of ourselves as cyborgs provides a tool for transforming the gender relations of technoscience.

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  • Wajcman, J. (1991). Feminism Confronts Technology . University Park, PA.: The Pennsylvania University Press.
  • Wajcman, J. (2009). Feminist theories of technology. Camb. J. Econ. , ben057-.
  • Webster, J. (1996). Shaping Women's Work: Gender, Employment and Information Technology . London: Longman.
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  • Williams, R., & Edge, D. (1996). The social shaping of technology. Research Policy , 25 (6), 865-899. doi:doi: DOI: 10.1016/0048-7333(96)00885-2
  • Wilson, M. (2000). The role of gender in user resistance and information systems failure. In R. Baskerville (Ed.), Organizational and Social Perspectives on Information Technology . Boston, MA: Kluwer Academic Publishers.

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